What is the New Apostolic Reformation? How a Religio-Political Movement is Affecting U.S. and Appalachian Politics

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By Laura Harbert Allen | 100 Days in Appalachia

Apostles and prophets. Spiritual war­fare. Dominionism and the New Apostolic Reformation. You might come across these terms if you fol­low pol­i­tics these days. 

Here’s some con­text and clar­i­ty about the rela­tion­ship between domin­ion the­ol­o­gy and the NAR, the “apos­tles” and “prophets” who lead this move­ment, and what it all means for our politics.

Dominionism: A theology with explicit political goals

Dominionism is a the­ol­o­gy or sys­tem of reli­gious belief based on an Old Testament pas­sage in the King James ver­sion of the Bible. Near the end of the cre­ation sto­ry in Genesis, God exhorts human­i­ty to “have domin­ion” over “all the earth.”

Christians have long debat­ed this scrip­ture from an envi­ron­men­tal stand­point. In the Appalachian coal fields, for exam­ple, reli­gious lead­ers have called for stew­ard­ship rather than abuse of the land caused by extrac­tive industry. 

Dominionism is dif­fer­ent. It takes this verse from Genesis and applies it to a soci­ety’s civic and polit­i­cal life. Ultimately, domin­ion­ism is a polit­i­cal the­ol­o­gy and ide­ol­o­gy that seeks to take con­trol of a society’s polit­i­cal and cul­tur­al insti­tu­tions, accord­ing to Fred Clarkson, a senior research ana­lyst at Political Research Associates, a Boston-based think tank. 

“Fundamentally, the idea is that Christians are called to exer­cise domin­ion in the world,” writes André Gagné in his 2024 book Americans for Trump: Dominion, Spiritual Warfare, and the End Times. 

Gagné chairs the reli­gious stud­ies depart­ment at Concordia University in Montréal, Canada. He describes domin­ion­ism as a “the­ol­o­gy of polit­i­cal pow­er”.

Dominion the­ol­o­gy first appeared in the 1960s in the work of Christian recon­struc­tion­ist, R.J. Rushdoony. In his book, The Institutes of Biblical Law, Rushdoony laid out his vision for a soci­ety trans­formed through a strict, high­ly con­ser­v­a­tive inter­pre­ta­tion of the Bible. Among oth­er strate­gies, Rushdoony was an ear­ly pro­po­nent of home­school­ing, which he believed would slow­ly trans­form American soci­ety to reflect Judeo-Christian values. 

“Let every demon­ic net­work that is aligned itself against the pur­pose, against the call­ing of President Trump, let it be bro­ken, let it be torn down in the name of Jesus.” 

- Paula White Cain, Jan. 6, 2021.

In its most extreme form, recon­struc­tion­ism calls for a lim­it­ed gov­ern­ment with min­i­mal social safe­ty net pro­grams, going so far as to call for the exe­cu­tion of indi­vid­u­als for homo­sex­u­al­i­ty and oth­er per­ceived “crimes.” 

While most recon­struc­tion­ists reject­ed Rushdoony’s most extreme mea­sures, his teach­ings echo in the hun­dreds of anti-LGBTQ bills intro­duced in Appalachia and around the coun­try this year. 

The New Apostolic Reformation: Based on an extreme version of Dominionism

The New Apostolic Reformation, or NAR, is reli­gio-polit­i­cal move­ment found­ed by C. Peter Wagner in the 1990s based on an extreme strain of domin­ion­ist the­ol­o­gy. “We want to see whole cities and regions and states and nations trans­formed to sup­port the val­ues of the Kingdom of God,” wrote Wagner in a let­ter to sup­port­ers of his Global Harvest Ministries orga­ni­za­tion in 2007. 

Wagner claimed the New Apostolic Reformation was the most sig­nif­i­cant shift in the Christian faith since the Protestant Reformation of 1517. It’s impor­tant to under­stand that NAR is not a for­mal group with mem­ber­ship rolls or an orga­niz­ing struc­ture com­mon­ly seen in Protestant denom­i­na­tions or the Catholic church. Instead, Rachel Tabachnick, a researcher with Political Research Associates, described it as more of a cross between a reli­gion and a polit­i­cal party. 

To accom­plish their goal of Christian suprema­cy, NAR deploys prophets and apos­tles to lead the movement.

The leaders: prophets, apostles, and the five-fold approach of NAR

The idea of per­son­al sal­va­tion — where indi­vid­u­als grow and devel­op their own rela­tion­ship with God along­side oth­er believ­ers in church — has been a tenet of Protestant Christianity since the reli­gion began more than 500 years ago. Historically, church­es have been col­lec­tive­ly led by cler­gy and laity who work togeth­er to build com­mu­ni­ty. And the gov­er­nance of most Protestant church­es in the U.S. has become increas­ing­ly democratic.

But as reli­gion schol­ar Gagné points out in his book, NAR’s “defin­ing char­ac­ter­is­tic” is the spir­i­tu­al author­i­ty the move­ment gives to indi­vid­u­als. It’s a top-down mod­el, he writes, that “revolves around the restora­tion of the five-fold min­istry [a con­cept drawn from Ephesians, refer­ring to apos­tles, prophets, evan­ge­lists, pas­tors and teach­ers] and an apos­tolic sys­tem of gov­er­nance. This mod­el chal­lenges the demo­c­ra­t­ic struc­tures of church­es,” he adds. 

According to the five-fold par­a­digm, apos­tles and prophets have been absent for near­ly 2,000 years, but are re-emerg­ing to lead the NAR toward soci­etal dom­i­nance. NAR apos­tles and prophets wield tremen­dous pow­er with­in the move­ment, and their polit­i­cal influ­ence can be heard in Paula White Cain’s prayer pri­or to the January 6, 2021 insurrection.

“Let every demon­ic net­work that is aligned itself against the pur­pose, against the call­ing of President Trump, let it be bro­ken, let it be torn down in the name of Jesus,” Cain said.

The strategy: The Seven Mountains Mandate

NAR apos­tles and prophets fol­low the Seven Mountains Mandate, a strat­e­gy for ascend­ing the “sev­en moun­tains” of soci­ety: reli­gion, fam­i­ly, gov­ern­ment, edu­ca­tion, media, enter­tain­ment and busi­ness. By tak­ing over a society’s polit­i­cal and cul­tur­al insti­tu­tions, NAR believes its theo­crat­ic vision of soci­ety — dom­i­nat­ed by an extreme right ver­sion of Christian suprema­cy — will come to fruition. 

NAR fol­low­ers believe they are improv­ing soci­ety so that Jesus will return and reign on earth. This is a marked depar­ture from the more com­mon Christian belief that Christ will return at a time of his own choos­ing to save a bro­ken world. 

Lance Wallnau, an NAR apos­tle endorsed by Wagner, has been the most recent force behind the 7M man­date. Wallnau is also known for his book, God’s Chaos Candidate, which cast Donald Trump as a mod­ern day King Cyrus, the pagan Persian king who freed ancient Babylon in the 6th cen­tu­ry BCE, which allowed the Jewish peo­ple to return to the region and build a tem­ple. Like Trump, NAR fol­low­ers believe that Cyrus was a flawed indi­vid­ual who nonethe­less served God’s purpose. 

U.S. Representatives Lauren Boebert (R‑CO), and Marjorie Taylor-Green (R‑GA), as well as Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R‑LA) have risen to posi­tions of influ­ence through the polit­i­cal moun­tain. Former President Donald Trump is pop­u­lar among NAR fol­low­ers because they believe he has con­quered the busi­ness moun­tain. Project 2025 aligns with NAR’s sev­en moun­tains vision as well, because it calls for a com­plete restruc­tur­ing of the gov­ern­ment to reflect an extrem­ist, Christian suprema­cist worldview. 

Casting out demons: Spiritual warfare and dominionism

The NAR move­ment is built on the belief that demon­ic and super­nat­ur­al forces work against the Seven Mountains Mandate. Followers believe they are at bat­tle with these forces and deploy three types of “spir­i­tu­al war­fare” out­lined by C. Peter Wagner to com­bat them. 

Ground lev­el spir­i­tu­al war­fare includes the exor­cism of demons from indi­vid­u­als, and is based on sto­ries of Jesus cast­ing out demons in the Gospels. NAR adher­ents might pray for each oth­er to cast out the demons of alco­holism, addic­tion, adul­tery, or oth­er behav­iors thought to be un-Christian. Next is what Wagner called the “occult” lev­el of spir­i­tu­al war­fare, which includes prac­ti­tion­ers of astrol­o­gy, yoga, shaman­ism, and sorcery. 

Wagner iden­ti­fied strate­gic or cos­mic spir­i­tu­al war­fare as a strat­e­gy to com­bat demon­ic forces with­in gov­ern­ments and indi­vid­u­als who stand in the way of the 7M man­date. Strategic spir­i­tu­al war­fare is based on Ephesians 6:12, which states the Christians “wres­tle not against flesh and blood, but against prin­ci­pal­i­ties, against pow­ers, against the rulers of the dark­ness of this world, against spir­i­tu­al wicked­ness in high places.”

When NAR apos­tle Paula White-Cain prays for “demon­ic net­works” who are opposed to Donald Trump to be “bro­ken down in the name of Jesus,” she is deploy­ing strate­gic spir­i­tu­al warfare. 

And NAR rhetoric can be specif­i­cal­ly direct­ed at polit­i­cal lead­ers. NAR prophet Lance Wallnau called Vice President Kamala Harris a “Jezebel spir­it” in his July 22 pod­cast pro­gram soon after she became the pre­sump­tive Democratic nom­i­nee for president. 

Jezebel was the wife of Ahab, King of Israel who, accord­ing to the Bible, engaged in idol­a­try and used her pow­ers to seduce her ene­mies. She also had sev­er­al Jewish lead­ers put to death. Casting Harris as a “Jezebel” car­ries with it racist tropes, lay­ered with NAR beliefs that the vice pres­i­dent is pos­sessed by a demon. 

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It’s the kind of rhetoric in the con­text of spir­i­tu­al war­fare, writes reli­gion schol­ar Gagné, that “con­tributes to the cur­rent polit­i­cal and social polar­iza­tion in the United States.” And some experts warn that rhetoric could lead to polit­i­cal vio­lence again in 2024.

But such lan­guage frays the social fab­ric too. Churches have his­tor­i­cal­ly been “civic assets,” places where peo­ple can come togeth­er across polit­i­cal divides, through pro­gram­ming like free com­mu­ni­ty meals, gro­cery assis­tance, addic­tion recov­ery ser­vices, and more. 

Such ser­vices are espe­cial­ly impor­tant in rur­al com­mu­ni­ties in Appalachia, where church­es fill in safe­ty net gaps and serve as hubs for dis­as­ter relief efforts. NAR rhetoric, which also inter­sects with Christian right posi­tions includ­ing cul­ture war fis­sures around abor­tion and LGBTQ equi­ty, has split church­es in Appalachia.

And that means that com­mu­ni­ty mem­bers — not just church mem­bers — lose a place to be with each oth­er with­out reper­cus­sions for their politics.


This arti­cle first appeared on 100 Days in Appalachia and is repub­lished here under a Creative Commons license.

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